Author 




LINCOLN REPUBLICAN 
BOOKLET No. 3. 




LINCOLN, 

McKINLEY, 

BRYAN. 




" Those who deny freedom for 
others deserve it not themselves, 
and under a just God cannot long 
retain it."— Abraham Lincoln. 

Complete Works of Lincoln, 
Vol. I, p. 533. 



Gift 

Mrs. EJdwln O. Dinwiddi*, 

Dec. 9*3, 1936 



Minneapolis : 
Hall, Black & Co., Printers, 

1900. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 



(All capitals and italics used in the quoted matter in this booklet are 
the editor's.) 



The purpose of this booklet is to direct public atten- 
tion to three prominent Americans, all of whom are the 
central figures in the political campaign of 1900. These 
are Lincoln, McKinley and Bryan. Portraits of each of 
these will add interest to the contents of this little book. 

Mr. Lincoln, who was martyred in 1865 at the very 
zenith of his career, has nevertheless lived in every 
political campaign since that date; and his place of 
honor in our nation's history is as fixed and enduring 
as that history. 

During all the past political campaigns of this na- 
tion's life, certain honored names have entered into the 
contests, as of those having authority. Previous to our 
civil war, the names most often quoted, were those of 
Washington, Jefferson and Adams, and later, of Jackson, 
Clay, Webster. 

The Civil War brought another to the front, and 
now for nearly a half century the name of Lincoln 

3 



towers among the immortals. It is remarked that as in 
1858 to i860 Mr. Lincoln constantly quoted the name 
and speeches of Jefferson, so at the present time, Mr. 
Bryan in 1896, and more especially in 1899 an d 1900, 
constantly quotes from Mr. Lincoln. It is evident that 
Mr. Bryan finds inspiration and guidance in the political 
teachings of Lincoln, and as these are always in accord 
with the Americanism of Jefferson, it is usual for Mr. 
Bryan to make Jefferson and Lincoln the pillars of his 
strongest arguments. 

A MARKED CONTRAST. 

A marked and suggestive contrast is found, in the 
silence of the supporters of the administration of Presi- 
dent McKinley, who seem in their contempt for the 
"Little Americans," to be willing to repudiate our na- 
tional declaration of independence, and to include in 
the list of "Little Americans" whom we have left behind 
outgrown, and for whom we have no further use, Wash- 
ington, Jefferson and Lincoln. Is it not well, however, 
for those of us who revere Abraham Lincoln and hold 
him in our memories and in our hearts, as truest and 
greatest as well as best of Americans, to recall his 
words? 

These quoted sayings of Lincoln are all taken from 
the "Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln" edited by 
John G. Nicolay and John Hay. The authenticity of 
these has never been, and can never be questioned, 
and taken together they present Mr. Lincoln as he was 
in life, a lover of liberty. As he was a genuine lover 
of liberty he demanded liberty for others as well as for 
himself. 



4 



MR. LINCOLN DEMANDS LIBERTY FOR ALL MEN. 

"I have always thought that all men should be free, 
but if any should be slaves, it should be, first those who 
desire it for themselves, and secondly those who desire it 
for others. — Vol. II, page 662, March 17, 1865. 

The above was one of Mr. Lincoln's latest public 
utterances. 

"No man is good enough to govern another 
without that others consent. This is the lead- 
ing principle — the sheet anchor of American republican- 
ism." — Vol. I, page 195, Lincoln in debate with Doug- 
las. 

Mr. Lincoln did not think that an indefensible war 
for conquest, laid upon citizens the duty to support such 
a w 7 ar without protest, and in Congress took the same 
views of duty, as those held at the present time by 
Senators Hoar and Pettigrew and by Ex-Governor 
Boutwell, Gen. Schurz, Ex-Senators Sherman, Hender- 
son (of Missouri) and many others. 

W 7 AS ABRAHAM LINCOLN A "TRAITOR"? 

In the House of Representatives, Mr. Lincoln in ex- 
planation of his vote supporting a resolution offered by 
Mr. Ashmun, of Massachusetts, declaring that our war 
with Mexico was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally 
begun by President Polk, and speaking of the president, 
Mr. Lincoln said : 

"I more than suspect that already he is deeply con- 
scious of being in the wrong; that he feels the blood 
of Abel is crying to Heaven against him ; that original- 
ly having some strong motive (what I will not now stop 
to give my opinion concerning) to involve the two coun- 

5 



tries in a war, and trusting to escape scrutiny by fixing 
the public gaze upon the exceeding brightness of mili- 
tary glory, that attractive rainbow that rises in showers 
of blood, he plunged into it, and has swept on and on, 
till disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which 
Mexico might be subdued, he now finds himself he 
knows not where. 

How like the half insane mumblings of a fever dream 
is the whole war part of his late message. - - - As 
I have said before, he knows not where he is. He is a 
bewildered, confounded, and miserably perplexed man. 
God grant he may be able to show there is not some- 
thing about his conscience more painful than all his 
mental perplexities/' — Vol. I, page 106, Jan. 12, 1848. 

Mr. Lincoln does not appear to have had much re- 
spect for promises of kindness and "benevolent assimila- 
tion^ offered to a people in exchange for their liberties. 

ARGUMENTS FOR ENSLAVING A PEOPLE. 

"Those arguments that are made, that the inferior 
race are to be treated with as much allowance as they 
are capable of enjoying; that as much is to be done for 
them as their condition will allow 7 . What are those ar- 
guments? They are the arguments that kings have 
made for the enslaving of the people in all ages of the 
world. You will find that all the arguments of king- 
craft were always of this class; they always bestrode 
the necks of the people, — not that they wanted to do it, 
but because the people were better off for being ridden. 
Turn it whatever way you will, whether it comes from 
the mouth of a king, as an excuse for enslaving the 
people of his country, or from the mouth of men of 
one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another 
race, it is all the same old serpent." — Vol. I, page 259, 
July 10, 1858. 



6 



Mr. Lincoln evidently contemplated the danger of 
stretching the prerogative of the executive — and called 
attention to the wise restraints of the constitution. 

THE CONSTITUTION GIVES THE WAR-MAKING POWER 
ONLY TO CONGRESS. 

"The provision of the constitution giving the war 
making power to congress, was dictated as I understand 
it by the following reasons : Kings had always been in- 
volving and impoverishing their peoples in wars, pre- 
tending generally if not always, that the good of the 
people was the object. This our convention understood 
to be the most oppressive of all kingly oppressions, and 
they resolved to so frame the constitution that no one 
man should hold the power of bringing this oppression 
upon us." — Vol. I, p. 112, Letter to W. H. Herndon. 

LINCOLN FORESAW THE PRESENT TIME. 

Still, Mr. Lincoln, with a wise forecast, apprehended 
the coming of that time when the liberties of this coun- 
try would be menaced, and he wrote with great care as 
follows : 

"But soberly it is now no child's play to save the 
principles of Jefferson from total overthrow in this na- 
tion. The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and 
axioms of free society; and yet they are denied and 
evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly 
calls them 'glittering generalties/ Another bluntly calls 
them 'self-evident lies.' Others insidiously argue that 
they apply to 'superior races.' These expressions, dif- 
fering in form, are identical in object and effect, the sup- 
planting the principles of free government, and restor- 
ing those of class, caste and legitimacy. They would 
delight a convocation of crowned heads plotting against 
the people. They are the vanguard, the miners and 
sappers of returning despotism. We must repulse them 



7 



or they will subjugate us. This is a world of compensa- 
tion and he who would be no slave must consent to have 
no slave. Those who deny freedom to others deserve 
it not themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long re- 
tain it. 

"All honor to Jefferson, to the man, who, in the con- 
crete pressure of a struggle for national independence by 
a single people, had the coolness, forecast, and capacity 
to introduce into a merely revolutionary document an 
abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times and so 
to embalm it there that today, and in all coming days, 
it shall be a rebuke and a stumbling block to the very 
harbingers of re-appearing tyranny and oppression." — 
Vol. I, page 532, Letter to H. L. Pierce et al. 

Again, Mr. Lincoln solemnly warned this people 
against loss of their liberties. 

"It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great 
task remaining before us, that from these honored dead 
we take increased devotion to that cause for which they 
gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here 
highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in 
vain ; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth 
of freedom; and that government of the people, by the 
people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth." 
— Vol. II, page 439, From Gettysburg Address. 

A final quotation from Mr. Lincoln expresses the 
hope that he had, that when our nation's liberties should 
be threatened, we might save them at the ballot box, 
rather than by bloody revolution, and he teaches us our 
duty in this crisis of 1900. 

"To give the victory to the right, not bloody bullets, 
but peaceful ballots only are necessary. Thanks to our 
good old constitution and organizations under it, these 
alone are necessary. It only needs that every thinking 



8 




Abraham Lincoln. 



9 



man shall go to the polls and without fear and prejudice 
vote as he thinks." — Vol. I, page 427. 

These extracts from Lincoln's addresses all speak 
the one unswerving devotion to liberty — not to liberty 
for one nation or for one race, not for our nation or our 
race, but ''liberty for all men and everywhere." They 
repudiate that accursed doctrine of "our country, right 
or wrong," a devilish phrase, coined by evil men to mis- 
lead weak men, and his words by their spirit teach that 
holy patriotism which finds expression thus, "Our coun- 
try — we will live and die to keep it right, and to set it 
right when it is wrong." 

Lincoln Republicans turn to Lincoln's words for a 
living inspiration. When any man turns away from the 
words of Lincoln, his Republicanism is not of the Lin- 
coln type, or it is sick unto death. 

LINCOLN IN HISTORY. 

The place of Lincoln in our nation's history is as- 
sured beyond change or question. He stands as the 
representative American of the century. He represents 
the traditions of the founders of the republic, and the 
best thought of his own time. This will be the verdict 
of history : Engraved deeper than all else in 

THE CHARACTER AND LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN IS 
THE FACT THAT HE LOVED LIBERTY FOR LIBERTY'S 
SAKE, AND DEMANDED IT FOR ALL MEN, FOR ALL RACES, 
FOR ALL NATIONS, AND EVERYWHERE. 



11 



William McKinley. 



13 



" Hviman rights and constitutional privi- 
leges must not be forgotten in the race for 
wealth and commercial supremacy. The 
government by the people must be by the 
people and not a few of the people. It 
must rest upon the free consent of the 
governed. Power, it must be remember- 
ed, which is secured by oppression, or 
usurpation, or by any form of injustice, is 
soon dethroned."— Wm. McKinley, at New Eng- 
land dinner in New York City, in 1890. 



"I speak not of forcible annexation, for 
that cannot be thought of. That, by our 
code of morals, would be criminal aggres- 
sion." — From message of President McKinley to 
Congress, April 11, 1898. 



15 



WILLIAM McKINLEY. 



The next prominent figure in the campaign of 1900 . 
is that of William McKinley. He has, for years, been a 
leader in the Republican party, and while in the cleav- 
age in that party, during the past two years he has 
parted company from Boutwell, John Sherman, Ed- 
munds, Hoar, Schurz, Henderson, and a host of others/ 
"Lincoln Republicans," he still remains the leader of 
those who are held irresistibly within party lines, led by 
Piatt of New York, Quay of Pennsylvania, Hanna of 
Ohio, Tanner of Illinois, and those other representa- 
tives of "practical politics." 

What has. been the past of Wm. McKinley and how 
can we, from that past, forecast his future? \ 

In 1890 Mr. McKinley spoke as follows : 

V Human rights and constitutional privileges must not 
be forgotten in the race for wealth and commercial su- 
premacy. The government by the people must be by the 
people and not a few of the people. It must rest upo?i 
the free consent of the governed. Power, it must be re- 
membered, which is secured by oppression, or usurpation, 
or by any form of injustice, is soon dethroned!' — Wm. 
McKinley, at New England dinner in New York City, 
in 1890. 



17 



These noble words would be worthy of Lincoln. 
At the time these words were spoken all Lincoln Re- 
publicans echoed these utterances with approval, and 
looked forward to McKinley as one who would help 
keep the Republican party true to its early traditions. 

As a member of congress Mr. McKinley was a most 
positive opp^nAJk^M©^lf#J^f^^,yyid bitterly de- 
nounced Cleveland and his gold standard policies. As 
a candidate for the presidential nomination in 1896, he 
gave assurance; ton the advocate n<?£f£h£ gold standard 
a that he avquidr be,1heif maBlfag^bjdp f £kfffirW*lb tsM ^ e 
• same time he^ through .his &k)$e£fc ixippfe, ^e^ed 3 in. the 
Republican national jplatforrn oi, 1 89^1 .^t^^rf^l^se-o In- 
tended to mislead and. cheat ? ^e^ub^c^ ^^m^^is^s, 
pledging the Republican party to^ promote internation- 
al bimetaliismirii;:.: , : Wh?. sri T * .zrtsoilduqsfi nloon\S" 

T h is' - was i fill Ly u nd e,rs toq d > by ; mx^^ 1 §f ^^ Lincoln 
Republicans,; many of ius ^kxietalii^ts^ q^iers, ^p- 
provkg /tlie feingle « standacd. i<z£tiM 4^u^^ f 4^1iRg{(Vy as 
not approved by either class, b^t > ; w^ ; cp^jdpfied, : , tljijs 7 $u- 
plicity, or ignored it in 18961-r-and voted with our. party. 

WHAT IS McKIXLEY'S ^OPF^li^lBDOM) M 

r Qfloi SB v*»fSID^NTM:i. : 7 rxl 

When .t-h-e ^u^^y^,^. ^^xh^^ _ i^^^e^^^^.became 
thm^ngi^singussM^^h^nati^ ^gp^i^^^r q^ite 
•generally- we Lin£^W^ .t^e^^ta- 
tfon of President^^Mn^ ifr pf%&j*t&^ 

approved the course taken by the presidential®! gave 
him our loyal support, 

is 



-asairfJin eurf x^lniSLoM inobhstl .issfh isgsl on snr/ad 
/ #*t£ */.>m^ annexation, far that cannot be 

srfJ Yhafck^»t&4^$£0Wter#* statesmanlike^ -pstrietie 

•<3a9a#o# t^t^'FfKf&f §sP $f fetgh* faaofctttr 3ates cn ejdoCI 
; ssniqqiiirfl srfj nf v,nrts esJsfS baiinU sift •gn'ibr.stnmoo 

.sisqSq^oS'o-noH fans kbffto isrfto 
b9Jf3l^toi^s^M^o^ti»*©j%}^^|toi:%8bflaireen 

-B9M^ams.atTaris on jfte tenth instant, and as the re- 
sult of fhe .victories of American arms, the future' cori- 
"tPoTJMi&pSitfioil^fitP gmermm L oVW& AiOffgagi& 
WMsPal^&a^ <§§ ffigt Wite^Statifs. MtoffiMtlfiffefttadf 
diwightsiofgscfeeBqgntjBthus ansquirednfttddth© ifespfta- 
,§iM^^bJig*y^®l ^d^-gepHn^jt P ^b,^%n*|^§ftn^if. ( |ifte 

^of f the Philippine I slar^ds^ become immediately necessary, 

is to be extended with all possgrfb/^spiteto to tbtr#fb$ie 
of the ceded territory." — Proclamation of President 

From the date of that proclamation, which avowed 
mb p\i^8smt me^riMhmm^mrm^Wvef^i^ by 

™M ai^a^nfmt^ 

which President McKinley claims undef^ftei^gahteh 



treaty, not then ratified by the United States senate, 
and while the treaty was still merely a written paper, 
having no legal effect, President McKinley has ruthless- 
ly and relentlessly pursued that policy of "Criminal Ag- 
gression," demanding sovereignty over the Philippines. 

The Lincoln Republicans who elected President Mc- 
Kinley have been forced by this proclamation and its 
attempted enforcement, to study the facts relating to the 
Philippines and the Filipinos. These indisputable facts 
are briefly as follows, and are substantiated by Senate 
Document number 62, and the report of Gen. E. S. Otis, 
commanding the United States army in the Philippines ; 
by the report of the Philippine Commission, and by 
other official and non-official papers. 

These indisputable facts have been repeatedly stated 
on the floor of the United States senate, by Senator Geo. 
F. Hoar (Republican), from Massachusetts ; by Senator 
Pettigrew, of South Dakota, and others ; also by mem- 
bers of the house of representatives on the floor of that 
branch of congress ; also in many speeches and in many 
leading newspapers, by Ex-Senators Boutwell, Schurz, 
Henderson (of Missouri) and others; and by many other 
Lincoln Republicans, who aided in electing President 
McKinley in 1896. They all agree as to the substantial 
accuracy of the following 

STATEMENT OF FACTS RELATING TO OUR PHILIPPINE 

WAR. 

First : When we began the prosecution of our war 
against the Spanish in the Philippines, the native Fili- 
pinos were successfully waging a revolutionary war for 
independence. 

20 



Second : The consular representatives of the United 
States at Singapore and Hongkong united with Ad- 
miral Dewey in an invitation to Gen. Aguinaldo to re- 
turn to Luzon, to arm and to lead the insurgent Fili- 
pinos, and to co-operate with the forces of the United 
States against the Spaniards. 

Third: The Filipinos, under the leadership of Gen. 
Aguinaldo, co-operated as allies ably, bravely and effi- 
ciently, with the United States forces against the Span- 
ish, from May, 1898, to July of the same year, and until 
the surrender of Manila. 

During this same period the Filipinos established, 
with the concurrence of the local commanders of our 
naval and military forces, a successful, and orderly civil 
government, throughout the greater part of the islands. 

Fourth: The Filipinos are a race particularly well 
fitted for maintaining an independent government, in 
proof of which the evidence is overwhelming. 

Fifth: The Filipinos expected national independ- 
ence, and from the first gave open and public expression 
of this hope and expectation, and had no positive knowl- 
edge of the purpose of President McKinley to assert 
sovereignty over the Philippines prior to his proclama- 
tion of Dec. 21, 1898, above referred to. 

Sixth: The Filipinos acted with commendable self- 
control and infinite patience until the United States 
forces began an attack upon them, February 4th, 1899, 
and after the attack upon them had begun, and was be- 
ing continued by Gen. Otis, the Filipinos sought to 
establish a neutral zone and avoid further hostilities, but 



21 



-N? g^fiScj ano^noH fans aioqjrgniS Jb asls^g 

this nation many lives an#%^^qie^{friP^iIt4ia#i6dSt 
jfeb© I^^E^alo^ dis- 

liiomteis ? ibsy amsa arfl lo ,8q8i t ypM moil t riai 

The cost to us is, however^P1^6flcf^B¥ite^l4i 
Iftcyift^sofedrufiifea Ihrfe iestpcpiidiBBiHito^itifctjdSllars 
^^skdP^^il^noost'Basl thefildes sc>h4itejs^ficteftcQ{##d 
J ^^ili^fipQof>^,feik^Dand patriotic FitifiJrms^wii^^e 

HFhfifi£^ 

as catfle.pg^ii^ ^ rfoirfw to lama 

It, has lost to us the friendship and confidence of all 

the 
M%e 




bauched the $^^2S<3H?& tifi^alf s tK»Cyfl-fl§fag 
-ItoasrfitocsH^^ any 
gs^t^iohsJgtfdodifof (focrhidt^j s^iMilMff e B»§dft>ilW99s- 
BJ e t iffi^s ^aacheai^ibifowt^nQfeMiheijh^g^^f sJ&fgfy, 



the asking, and with them the never to be withdrawn 

Oxfantq bm Ml hohUoq lo mhmme m i&h&sl fti bm 
bos AkmskjeMe m§cpw$§k t>y tty^Nje^esis which follows 

-dM Md^i? lo abiow s-^rfi bssil .T^bss! oriiqiliH 

WHAT VERDICT WILL HISTORY PRONOUNCE UPON 
A WILLIAM MCKINLEY? 

•*~i~\ni.A sm ol a^sa asstol Jxisgmani iifli lo isb-s^I sriT 4 * 

Ghifrg€dC ^thP^te ^glM iofc they lpresin©{3 tasle 

otl^pdlH^Ifl^ Mifeetf %tf toy M 
Charged fplb ^pddi^g^lSeiflc^,^ J^e^fg^^d 

Charged with personal responsibil^^o^alj^he^epl 

fifHf>%bteliitlpiiiiteiuctiQn of ^^c^^^i^xigahng 

part of his promise of f %^^y€)ients|^riTOitetiq9Ji;|^fet 
nkmim&ijMfMMm> ^M^SIalifg^^ijIia^f^lif ower 
airtt|KDohibte^ 4§tttfefefetr^ 

^B^hnrMdmegBmmimMPMimoo mad weH 3w t nob«n 
Hkid i£Jo^3fli t^^t^o^ipsBlka^tt&fent^ig^^g^ $§ill 
it extenuate the sin of President McKinley, if he ¥ §|jfill 
£ f I^dCflfe trf#i,-^St ipeg^igoalycbr^^lMPfill tM s na- 
tion and the Filipinos all the loss ^f/iMe^M;#x|^nd^i^e 

2oli^fi3«iitiaffi(s drift ^tfe toi^t^^r^^i® ^fpro^l^n- 



thusiasm for the nation's flag, thereby give his party 
and its leader an extension of political life and power. 

We Lincoln Republicans have been distressed and 
shamed beyond expression, by the public utterances of 
our President, who at Fargo, was not withheld by self- 
respect nor by respect for his high office, from a coward's 
stealthy thrust at the honor of the brave and patriotic 
Filipino leader. Read these words of President Mc- 
Kinley : 

"The leader of the insurgent forces says to the Amer- 
ican Government, you can have peace if you will give 
us independence. Peace for independence! he says. He 
had another price than that for peace once before, but 
the United States pays no gold for peace." — President 
McKinley, at Fargo, N. D., Oct. 14, 1899. 

Of General Aguinaldo Senator Hoar, summing up 
facts ascertained from, and established by, official rec- 
ords, writes thus: 

"They (the official records) establish clearly and be- 
yond reasonable doubt - - - that Aguinaldo is an 
honest, patriotic, brave man." — Senator Hoar in Spring- 
field Republican, Jan. 11, 1900. 

That no humiliation should be spared to us Lincoln 
Republicans, who made Mr. McKinley president of this 
nation, we have been compelled to read in his message 
to Congress four denials of unquestioned facts of his- 
tory. 

In his message to congress of Dec. 4th, 1899, Pres- 
ident McKinley says: 

"In this manner the Philippines came to the United 
States. The islands were ceded by the government of 
Spain, which had been in undisputed possession of them for 
centuries!' 



24 



READ THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT OF THE TRUTH. 

February 22nd, 1898, Oscar F. Williams, U. S. Con- 
sul at Manila, wrote to Mr. Cridler, his superior, as fol- 
lows: 

''Conditions here and in Cuba are practically alike; 
war exists; battles are of almost daily occurrence, and 
hospitals are full. Prisoners are brought here and shot 
without trial and Manila is under martial law - - - 
The crown forces have not been able to dislodge a rebel 
army within ten miles of Manilla. - - - Insurgents 
are being armed and drilled, are rapidly increasing in 
numbers, and efficiency, and all agree that a general up- 
rising will come as soon as the governor-general em- 
barks for Spain, which is fixed for March." — Oscar F. 
Williams, Consul. From Sen. Doc. 62, pp. 319-320. 

Again Consul Williams writes from Manila, March 
19, 1898: 

"Rebels getting arms, money and friends, and they 
outnumber the Spaniards, residents and soldiery, prob- 
ably one hundred to one." — Senate Doc. 62, pp. 320-321. 

And Consul Williams again, March 31, 1898: 

"From consensus of opinion I believe that of the 
Philippine people not five per cent are loyal to Spain." - 
Sen. Doc. 62, page 324. 

In the message of President McKinley to congress of 
Dec. 4, 1899, he says, speaking of the cession of the 
Philippines from Spain to the United States: 

"I had every reason to believe, and I still believe, 
that this transfer of sovereignty was in accordance with 
the wishes and aspirations of the great mass of the Fili- 
pino people." — Message of President McKinley to Con- 
gress, Dec. 4th, 1899. 



25 



When President McKinley wrote those words, in 

-<£^tj€!b^ Ibffim %M$$f4ance 

^h^h^wfe^ a^^ffaSigiaW <&thmwe0m%fe Mi llhp 
Filipino people", he had at his hand Gen. Otis' R^®ft, 

m^mmm ^momw w<mw&m *%w$$£tW 

latfrefecigalprt Miuotd ot& eranostti Mut sib gifaiq*od 

. "Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter 1 ^ 
in wliich he indignantly protested against the claim of 



been conquered 



States, in 4 the islands, whi 
from the Spaniards thtotl 



Even the women of Cavite prMii&f MS fddffiMt 
nffiS^ra^V^^W^ ^ilne^fiyeflMtft^t 

their patriotic blood for the liberty and indepedd&ce of 
their country."— Gen. Otis' Report, p. 70. ^ 

he 

nila harbor the Filipinos had been in arms to wrest na- 
tional : M^efiiteM-o#if)^ W to^Avhen 

^figWil Sftitof !R€ ©ftlt^^fft^^g dfapts^iefSgqiliafffls 
in the Philippines, that GenMl j\^tfinfiio -3flfll -ffi^e 

srfhefe paipsse^f^do ^ffi^l^|k)i^Y8i ^e^g^er^e^^e 
knew thal^l^i^fe^Bajyiiiif^^ KsVf^^^iS 6 

A of M& message the Filipinos had fought bravely and 

,5¥bmn Lira jP Dfi£. 3v5i^i 01 no€B6i vlbva ten ft « 

-iS^testft^rc^rwho-, t§n$fef Ih^rderk of the admi^i§tfa- 
■ ufieh p ^iHtt^hf 0rii%s tHoke ^%&m$M -ill' , gJfcf^Wffcpf 

as 




had the cession of their country been in accordance 

^Mi4ife ^^^^^,»|eratfea^ ^t^tht^wbaipuii the 
that 65,000 American soldiers were theftffif iri^rf&plfoyed 

fiP^e^^iMtKlol^fri^hf flj ^^d%Jh^^§^igg^9^e 
s4if@t£&, ftki^fatifilre£peiq^ 



its assurance of the optimistic belief of g^^rguqeaynat 
the cession of the Philippines to the United States, with 

!< itf ^'d? e^FfPmfllion^e^lltf %&1mgif^y<IBi^f£r in- 
'^eteenc« Il wlnt# 1^miPii§af?f ^hm, s^sJ^pMed 
' ^i 9 {te 9 Hn>mb#,SS WtaW 1 PHelp' mith«r*h^Senr as 
- fa Wthi*sifen«»W ffife ^loMi^^ip^dW^^flg 
"PondiM WitigJ¥^ffir&WL$kd§j nialff'63 thei @*it- 
1 988k# re'poW^ieSIrtjer 2§ff¥g§^% Mtter asJollows: 
-hb aaoqioq sdt dl'm gniqssjf ni ."msworf ,9is daJaiw . 

given up to American authorities, compafativejy. Tew 
have been turned in; and for this reason, ' uMIVefy 
9iitribgBn,%int^MiesY^^a^ e itf Wll $Ptl$f saf e 

years. In this regard Ip£§png| hJi„thin^n|^^ JJie 
'humane' war the Americans are urging here has ife ais- 

itQktoMtig&&i ,>.33d-!o ee*T§no3 oj sgssesm gid-rsl - 
oilTrenon^iwa^jafiii^ting^tlie^^ 




§ offiqii 



handed, in the plaza of the nearest town." — Outlook, 
April 21st, 1900. ( 

Later this same loyal imperialist, under date of March 
5, 1900, writes again, making his report as to conditions 
in the Philippines: 

"Everywhere insurrectos are re-organizing, or pre- 
paring for it. Everywhere, when one gets beneath the 
polished surface, one finds the same old hatred toward 
the Americans, the same hope and belief in ultimate 
independence. With the exception of a mere handful, 
too insignificant to be considered, every Filipino in his 
heart is an insurrecto, and wishes to drive the Americans 
from the islands. Even at the present moment the so- 
called 'pacified' provinces are in a bad state." — Outlook, 
April 14th, 1900. 

These letters are inserted for the double purpose of 
adding to the evidence of President McKinley's unblush- 
ing falsification of fact in his message of December 4, 
1899, and also of setting forth the impossibility of hold- 
ing the Filipinos in slavery, except by their utter exter- 
mination. The sanguinary suggestions of this poor 
wretch are, however, in keeping with the purpose an- 
nounced by President McKinley in his Pittsburg speech, 
as follows: 

"There will be no useless parley, no pause, until the 
insurrection is suppressed." — William McKinley's Pitts- 
burg Speech, August 28, 1899. 

In his message to Congress of Dec. 4, 1899, President 
McKinley asserted that when Aguinaldo returned to 
Manila to head the insurgent forces and to establish a 
Filipino government on their island, he had no hope of 



28 



national independence, and the President used the fol- 
lowing language: 

'The most the insurgent leader hoped for when he 
came back to Manila was the liberation of the islands 
from the Spanish control, which they had been laboring 
for years without success to throw off!" — President Mc- 
Kinley's Message to Congress, Dec. 4, 1899. 

READ THE FACTS AS TO THE FILIPINOS' DEMANDS FOR 
INDEPENDENCE. 

Consul General Pratt wrote to Assistant Secretary 
of State Day, from Singapore, May 5, 1898, previous to 
Gen. Aguinaldo's arrival at Manila, and inclosed an 
article published in the Singapore Free Press of May 4 X 
1898. This article contained the following: 

"General Aguinaldo's policy embraces the independ^- 
ence of the Philippines, whose internal affairs would be 
controlled under European and American advices. 
American protection would be desirable temporarily, on 
the same lines as that which might be instituted here-? 
after in Cuba." Senate Doc. 62, pages 344-345. 

In a letter from Consul General Pratt to Secretary 
Day, dated May 20, 1898, was inclosed a copy of the 
manifesto of the Filipinos in Hongkong to their coun- 
trymen in Luzon, which begins as follows : 

"Compatriots — Divine Providence is about to place 
independence within our reach, and in a way the most 
free and independent nation could hardly wish for. The 
Americans, not from mercenary motives, but for the sake 
of humanity, and the lamentations of so many perse- 
cuted people, have considered it opportune to extend 
their protecting mantle to our beloved country, now that 
they have been obliged to sever relations with Spain." 
Senate Doc. 62, page 345. 



29 



occupation of the Philippines, could h^SWM^ig0tMt 
6f fi^bi>^Mi^I^{(«^Mt«ifi%5^^r " 

: : Pres inl^m^ iff hil-mei^^(f^i#eS§^ 

falsifications ^ f |is|q^^ *feS^f^^v| S^^ftft P^§M^ 
he must have had full knowledge. The last of these to 

this review of the PrestaenfToMcial record, is his state- 

mM^fthf^^ He 

ikf¥P iVOia - «2 X B ^& 3ioq£gmd moil ,y b Q 3*£*2 lo 

^obisnm^A m^J 




mzdshngttinarp mpulsh&£ /fei^^j^^.f^^re^dRS^ft^S" 

-m$A bstoiiteai sd Mgrm rbirfw isfb e.q 83ml emiEa art* 

TH|Sr^ot1f^ ig^fi^tfefn^bmtidtl^^h© fU. S. 
forcfe *ffi°fh# ^fl^a^relQiia^oHfMsb^^e^: 
-mroD ibrfj o* gno^jjnoH ni eoniqBIl srh xo oiasTiiasrn 

"The battlf^ijg^l^cpnme^^l a£haif $%i&$}t 
o'clock, on the evening or February 4th (1899), and 
^Sffiii5tiletl^ f =Uiftil ifij^^feftctrfa the rHHS^^^snisgmoZK^ en- 

3;isa 9rii toi tod ^yhqrn ^snapiam moil ;n n .ansohdmA 
^frfjfcf? 03 <^nooo bOTofed iuo oj sttnsfn smJostoio ibrfj 



says: 



°§0 



ours. .A patrol (not a hostile military forc r e). approached 

Tjkm mm mMmmm wsMrff^ 

to which some of our soldiers had beenhAwt£$iw^i- 
aiegaireb&fr Ifac^tdeaaiipticablft^fep ^^^otoedjOfrtmwe.si When 




pwn .language, do£§ v not 

THfeitespBtfft tea «fi§sflU^>a^is »M r «#^fft ^vmi 

Filipm^B wetfeidoftfad. oi A^ i ^8piijea^fcftigaffirfd(i) Ikdardi ©f 
^ibilie^^aao^ssEg^^ Gffiiiesbl©tip r fjsapijg gtitft the 

that he deplored it, ana that he d^jre4 s ho^iUti^ fo 
cease,, and would withdraw bis trodbk 26 any flfstance 

^rtWieufW #€l ffiT Affi^ican 

on. Now, how absurd .fore ^ihirspqrsdiisavhM 
vStcffiPBAjitfj* a^rfij^vfr^ tfei ^gig|g5^ E w#]k#i£[ingle 

wp pharge the, men 
feli^EFi^Mtted 
tifif leritiiSfigfigg^f tfc$m*\" 
-From letter of Senator Hoar, in SpringfiBM f&qkiHi- 
can of January n, 1900. 

f OMiaHATEHaO'KU TO aJSAIADftl TOM HAM A 8 AW sH 

itoteM^inl^ia§fiiiie^bit itQ^iin^^^ H fosigppre- 
HhemKB^iog/for *pj»kis^thfo tp^uHTaMi asHOMOHaia 

.sniBeHts^ofeilr^id^fi* MdKfeb^in jM^iiSgs^ec^.J^c. 

official records, and knQmte^A&lkmm,T$kW Mlkik&r 

faces in shame for the President elected by the party of 

£8 
31 




Abraham Lincoln. The people of this nation have never 
before had like cause to blush for any former chief ex- 
ecutive, and they ask whether it can be, that in the ces- 
sion of the Spanish colonial possessions was included 
Spanish perfidy. 

It is never absolutely safe to forecast and determine 
the place in history that will be assigned to any man still 
living. So far as we may venture to predict the verdict 
of the future upon Wm. McKinley, it will be this: 

He had inherited the traditions of the honored found- 
ers of the Republic, and of Lincoln and the great men 
who led the Republican party to triumph in i86o« 

This was the McKinley who in 1890 spoke those 
glowing words at the New England dinner in New York,, 
quoted on page 17. 

This was McKinley before the noble traditions of 
the past had been hidden from eyes dazzled by the glit- 
tering bauble of the presidency. 

It now appears that of the McKinley debauched by 
the Commercialism, which elected him to the presidency, 
with a perfect knowledge of his character, and an un- 
doubted assurance that he would be its facile tool;— 
History will write : 

He was a man not incapable of understanding, 
and even of preferring, the best j but so weak 
in the hour of temptation that he became the 
dishonored instrument of all that was basest in 
the politics of his party j and at the last he be- 
trayed its better traditions, while his friends, 
in their pity, sought to shield him with a pro- 
tecting mantle of silence. 



32 



William McKinley. 



33 




35 



Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught the 
individual to protect his own rights ; Amer- 
ican civilization will teach him to respect 
the rights of others. 

Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught the 
individual to take care of himself. Amer- 
ican civilization, proclaiming the equality 
of all before the law, will teach him that 
his own highest good requires the observ- 
ance of the commandment : Thou shalt 
love thy neighbor as thyself. 

Anglo-Saxon civilization has, by force of 
arms, applied the art of government to 
other races for the benefit of Anglo-Saxons. 
American civilization will, by the influence 
of example, excite in other races a desire 
for self-government and a determination 
to secure it. 

Anglo-Saxon civilization has carried its 
flag to every clime, and defended it with 
forts and garrisons. American civilization 
will imprint its flag upon the hearts of all 
who love freedom. — Wm. J. Bryan. 

From address before Virginia Democratic Association 
of the District of Columbia, Feb'y 22d, 1900. 



37 



WILLIAM J. BRYAN. 



Mr. Bryan, although mature in mind and person, is 
still a young man. He completed his fortieth year on. 
the nineteenth of March, 1900. His record thus far has 
no parallel in our history. At thirty-six years of age 
he became the candidate of the Democratic National 
Convention in Chicago. The platform adopted by that 
convention, as well as Mr. Bryan, its candidate, were at 
once repudiated by the old-time leaders of the party, 
and those who adhered to Mr. Bryan were a minority in 
most of the more powerful and richer states. In those 
states the Democratic state machinery was under the 
control of bitter enemies, who still masqueraded as 
Democrats. This fatal condition was in a measure re- 
lieved by the adherence of the People's Party, and that 
body of voters known as Silver Republicans. Under 
such conditions, Mr. Bryan's wonderful personal power 
was evidenced in a campaign never paralleled in our 
nation's history. The position which he has won in 
public opinion can be best shown by those most re- 
markable tributes paid to him by eminent men, and lead- 
ing newspapers, none of whom are his political adher- 
ents. 



39 



PERSONAL TRIBUTES TO BRYAN. 

The first is from an interview with Hon. Thos. B. 
Reed, the distinguished Republican from Maine, who 
was for so many years Speaker of the U. S. House of 
Representatives, and by common consent the ablest of 
his party's leaders. 

MR, REED'S ESTIMATE OF BRYAN. 

Mr. Reed, in an interview in 1899, spoke of Mr. Bry- 
an as follows: 

"It's the man's great ability to rise to whatever occa- 
sion confronts him that is his most marked and valuable 
characteristic," ex-Speaker Reed said. 

"The two occasions to which he rose most magnifi- 
cently were the Chicago conventions in 1884 and 1892. 
At the latter one he opposed the nomination of Grover 
Cleveland in a speech of thrilling power. Although he 
did not convince the convention that Cleveland was the 
wrong man to nominate, he won a tremendous personal 
triumph. In this recent argument at the trust confer- 
ence in Chicago he achieved another oratorical victory. 
He is a Democrat first, last and all the time, yet his best 
friends are Republicans."— Thos. B. Reed in an inter- 
view in 1899. 

The next estimate of Mr. Bryan's character is by the 
Hon. Bourke Cockran, the distinguished Democratic 
lawyer of New York City, who does not support Mr. 
Bryan's political ideas. 

BOURKE COCKRAN AS TO BRYAN'S CHARACTER. 

"I knew Bryan well," he said. "I served with him 
for four years in the ways and means committee of the 
house and we met almost every day in what might be 
called the intimacy of political association. Bryan per- 



40 



sonally is one of the purest men I ever met in politics or 
out. His devotion to public welfare, as he understands 
it, is more like the love of a woman for her child or for 
her husband, than it is the expression of a politician's 
mind. I do not believe that after many years of active 
participation in politics and three years of leadership, his 
moral nature has become colored by even the shadow of 
a selfish motive, or that in order to be elected president 
to-morrow he would consent to temporize with his be- 
lief or evade the expression of it." — Bourke Cockran in 
an interview in 1900. 

WHAT THE TIMES-HERALD SAYS OP MR. BRYAN. 

Notable among these tributes to Mr. Bryan is the re- 
markable editorial published in the Chicago Times- 
Herald, July 6, 1899. The Times-Herald has been gen- 
erally considered the Chicago organ of the McKinley 
administration. 

"The same day that ex-Governor Hogg was carrying 
Tammany by storm with his reference to Bryan, Mr. 
Bryan himself was received with tremendous enthusiasm 
both in Atlanta and at Barnesville, Georgia. Everywhere 
it is the same story. The man seems to have suffered 
not at all in the esteem of the masses of his followers 
because of his defeat in 1896. True, he has found in 
several states that the Democratic party leaders con- 
sider the silver issue a disastrous one, and in those states 
the popular vote would certainly be hostile to his silver 
policy, but wherever he goes he meets with manifesta- 
tions of an almost fanatical personal loyalty. Very few 
American politicians have been the objects of such gen- 
eral or intense devotion. 

"What, then, will explain this extraordinary phenom- 
enon? It may be referred to a combination of causes, 
each potent in its way. Mr. Bryan has character, sin- 
cerity, a winning personality, intellectual brilliancy, elo- 



41 



quence ; and the elements are so mixed in him as to pro- 
duce the best possible effect. He is, besides, the leading 
exponent of a principle which gives him a remarkable 
influence where the principle is held, while his character, 
gifts and attainments secure him the liking of people 
who regret the principle. 

"At one time there was a very natural disposition to 
ascribe his prestige to a single speech, but the speech 
was merely his opportunity. Since delivering it he has 
proved his powers as an orator many times, and he has 
stood the closer scrutiny of the public, which is attracted 
but not dominated by oratory. We have known men 
even more brilliant on the platform who never got be- 
yond the part of performers in a campaign show. With 
all their ability they could not command respect, be- 
cause they did not possess those moral qualities which 
the American people desire in their political leaders of 
the presidential class. 

"Mr. Bryan is clean of speech and act. He has noth- 
ing to explain. He is honest in his convictions. What 
he lacks most is a lively humor, and this sometimes does 
a politician more harm than good, as S. S. Cox used 
to confess ruefully. Much as Americans enjoy a joke, 
they prefer serious men in high places. 

"When, therefore, all things are taken into account, 
it is clear why Mr. Bryan is popular, and no one should 
now feel disposed to grudge him the position he has 
won. Whether he may succeed in commending his 
political ideas to the voters of the country, is another 
question." — Times-Herald Editorial, July 6, 1899. 

It is interesting to quote from Mr. Bryan's Barnes- 
ville address, to which the Times-Herald refers in its 
editorial above quoted. Near the close of his Barnesville 
address, after he had considered the trusts and spoken of 
the Philippine and money questions, Mr. Bryan said : 

42 



"Whether I am nominated or not in 1900 is im- 
material to me. Whether I shall ever again be a 
candidate for any office depends on circumstances. I 
don't want to be a candidate for president unless those 
who think as I do believe that I can do more for 
the principles of the party already adopted than any 
one else. I would rather help somebody else win 
than be the cause of the party's defeat. If the Dem- 
ocratic party wants somebody to lead a retreat, they 
must find some one accustomed to walking back- 
ward. The Democratic party will not weaken on the 
money question, and the question of imperialism will 
bring more votes out of the Republican party in the com- 
ing campaign than in any of the campaigns since the 
last canvass of Abraham Lincoln. " 

In other words, Mr. Bryan would not accept a 
nomination on a platform which did not re-affirm the 
platform of 1896, and he does not want the nomination 
even in these circumstances unless those who share his 
political beliefs are satisfied that his candidacy will best 
promote the principles. Distinguished as he is, the 
patriotic Nebraskan regards himself and his personal 
political fortunes as mere trifles in comparison with the 
reforms whose success he holds to be essential to the re- 
storation of equality of rights and to the safety and per- 
petuity of free government. All impartial men who may 
read the quoted extract from his Barnesville speech must 
share the Times Herald's admiration of Mr. Bryan's 
honesty and the grandeur of his motives. 

We may not dare to pronounce at this date the final 
sentence of history upon William J. Bryan. 

It is enough now to say, that thus far, day by day, 
year by year, since his entering public life, he has won 
steadily and never lost the confidence of his fellow citi- 



43 



zens. No man has ever attempted to impeach his pri- 
vate life, nor the absolute sincerity and unshaken stead- 
fastness of his political convictions. He stands today 
as he has stood from the first, the "Tribune of the Peo- 
ple." He is the foremost advocate of equal privileges 
for all, and the determined foe of special privileges for 
any. 

His courage, his persistent energy, his strength, and 
his endurance, equal his matchless eloquence, and his 
powerful personal magnetism. 

His absolute Americanism classes him with Lincoln, 
Seward and Blaine. His indomitable courage, with 
Stephen A. Douglas. When we consider all the ele- 
ments of Mr. Bryan's greatness, we think it more than 
probable that this will be the verdict of the future: 

With the names of Washington, Jefferson and 
Lincoln must be written, with equal honor, the 
name of William Jennings Bryan. 



44 




45 



PORTRAITS. 



No. Page. 

1. Of Lincoln on First Page of Cover. 

This is copied from a photograph made in Chicago ; 
negative now lost. This photograph was used by 
St. Gaudens, in modelling for the bronze Lincoln, 
in Lincoln Park, Chicago. 

2. Lincoln 9 

Copied from a Century engraving, by T. Cole. 

3. McKinley 13 

Copied from a photograph, Bakers Art Gallery, 
Columbus, 0. 

4. McKinley 33 

Copied from a photograph, Bakers Art Gallery, 
Columbus, 0. 

5- Bryan 35 

Copied from a photograph, Bathrach & Brothers, 
Washington, D. C. 

6. Bryan 45 

Copied from a photograph, Townsend, Lincoln, Neb. 



47 



This booklet is published and distributed by 

The Lincoln Rebublican League. 

All persons desiring to learn the views of those 
well-known Lincoln Republicans — Senator Hoar, Ex. 
Gov. Boutwell, Gen. Carl Schurz, Ex. Senator Hen- 
derson, and others — can have full supplies of Anti- 
Imperialist literature mailed to them, by applying by 
postal card or by letter to either of the following ad- 
dresses : — 

W. J. Mize, 164 Dearborn St., Chicago, 111. 
Erving Winslow, 44 Kilby St., Boston, Mass. 
F. G. Corser, N. Y. Life Bld'g, Minneapolis, Minn. 

All inquiries relating to Lincoln Republican 
Booklets should be addressed to 

ELWOOD S. CORSER, 

Minneapolis, Minn. 



48 



